Thursday, September 30, 2010

Yogi Adityanath of Gorakhpur praises work of Hindu Samhati

Calls for the Mobilization of Hindus to forcefully respond in Bengal

Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh - In an attempt to link Hindu Forces fighting for the Hindu cause across the Northern and Eastern Plains of India and in the backdrop of the awe-inspiring Mandir dedicated to Bhagwan Gorakshnath, Tapan Ghosh, the president of Hindu Samhati, met and received the blessings of Mahant Avaidyanathji Maharaj, the Peethadeeshwar of the Gorakshnath Peeth and Gorakhpur MP Mahant Yogi Aditynathji as well as apprised both of these important leaders of Hindu society of the grave and rapidly deteriorating situation of Hindus in West Bengal as well as presenting the ever expanding activities of Hindu Samhati to combat these alarming developments that confront the Hindus of West Bengal. Ghosh was in Gorakhpur on the specific occasion of the Shraddanjali Sabha dedicated to the legendary Mahant Digivjaynathji Maharaj, who played a pivotal in mobilizing and uniting Hindus from all backgrounds both in his role as the Peetadeeshwar of the Gorakshnath Peetha as well as the leader of the Hindu Mahasabha.

In the beginning of the meeting, Tapan Ghosh received the blessings and encouragement of the Peetadeeshwar of the Gorakshnath Math, Pujiya Mahant Avaidyanathji, who exhorted Ghosh and all present to mobilize Hindus in Bengal as well as across the whole of India. Yogi Adityanthji asked in a rhetorical and reflective manner that what has happened to the land of Bengal which has given such giants of Hindu society such as Sri Aurobindo, Shyama Prasad Mookerjee, Rabindranath Tagore, Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, Swami Viekananda, and so many others is the place that the center of anti-Hindu activities as well as is one the areas where Hindu society faces the most serious threats to its existence. Yogiji further stated that this situation is due primarily to a severe lack of awareness of their basic Hindu identity. Ghosh made a emphatic statement that Bengal is very quickly headed for another partition, to which Yogiji further added that Hindus across the Indian subcontinent are facing serious threats to their identity. Ghosh then presented the latest edition of the monthly paper published by Hindu Samhati, whose main story was the recent atrocities on the Hindu community in Deganga. Tapanji went on to show Hindu Samhati’s response and protests to the atrocities committed by the Muslim community in Deganga. Yogi Adityanthji expressed his deep concern and assured his full support to stand up for the Hindus of Bengal.

After being shown a detailed presentation on both the serious challenges confronting Hindus as well as Hindu Samhati’s activities in protecting Hindus, Pujiya Yogiji said in order to prevent such activities, Hindus must immediately respond in any way possible, otherwise in the next five to ten years Hindus will be completely defeated and Muslim rule will be established. Pujiya Yogiji then talked specifically of the geographical belt across northern and eastern India stretching from Delhi to Bengal, saying that this is the most challenging areas for Hindus. Ghosh responded to this assertion by saying that as Gorakhpur falls in the middle of this georgraphic region, Pujiya Maharajji is in an unique position of being a forceful advocate for the Hindus across not only this region but all over the Indian subcontinent. Additionally Pujiya Maharajji, said that the activities of Hindu Samhati will help tremendously in combating the challenges faced by Hindus and urged more such activities from Hindu Samhati in the future. Yogiji then called for Hindus to be mobilized over all twenty districts of Bengal, and urged Hindu Samhati to take up this gigantic responsibility.

Along with formulating methods of working in tandem, Pujiya Yogiji made invaluable suggestions on how to strengthen the work of Hindu Samhati by telling his experiences in mobilizing Hindus in the Purvanchal regions from the enormous threats faced by Hindus from Islamic extremists in places such as Azamgarh, Mau, Deoria, Maharajganj, and Siddarthnagar. Pujiya Yogiji outlined the manner in which Hindus were organized in these regions. Ghosh presented a formal invitation to Yogi Adityanathji to come to Kolkata and to speak at the events of Hindu Samhati. Yogi Adityanthji said that whenever he comes to Bengal, he will do his utmost to assist Hindu Samhati in their endeavors. At the end of the meeting Yogi Adityanth bestowed his blessings on Tapanda and all present as well as blessed and praised the work of Hindu Samhati, by saying that this is the need of the hour and called for the expansion of Hindu Samhati.

Tuesday, September 21, 2010

Muslims Attack Hindus in India: A Warning For the West ?

September, 2010 - by Phyllis Chesler

A European colleague of mine lives and works in India. Recently, he came to visit. His story was unbelievable. For the last few years, every day, day after day, he, his wife, and his wife’s family have been harassed and attacked by Muslim marauders. Both his property and his medical clinic have been attacked; his Hindu wife and relatives have had their cows stolen and slaughtered, their outbuildings destroyed, their farm property taken over. The police would not help. He had to hire private security to guard his free clinic. Finally, Muslims attacked the clinic when it was filled with patients (including, of course, Muslim patients). At the last moment, before the clinic was entirely overrun, the police reluctantly came to his aid. He had to pay many bribes, pull many strings—and still, the matter is far from over.

He did not want me to write about this. “It is simply too dangerous for a Hindu to describe, accurately, what Muslims are doing to us in our own country.” He assured me that neither the government nor the media could be counted on to “do the right thing here. The media will not say that Muslims are criminally aggressive. They are too afraid to say so. They know there will be rioting. It’s already happened.”

Sound familiar?

And then, Mr. Tapan Ghosh found me. Ghosh is an incredibly brave and determined Hindu human rights activist who is taking on these Muslim immigrants, criminals, rioters, kidnappers, rapists, and traffickers of Hindu girls and women.

Tapan Ghosh

In 2008, Tapan Ghosh founded Hindu Samhati (Hindu Solidarity Movement), dedicated to strengthening Hindu identity and serving persecuted Hindu communities in Bangladesh and West Bengal, India. A Physics graduate of City College in Calcutta, he first got involved with the Hindu Revivalist Movement in India in 1966 and led a mass civil disobedience campaign against the policies of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1975-77. His work grows out of a long history of persecution, including genocidal persecution, of Hindus by Muslims in the region, beginning with the partition of India into Pakistan and India in the 1940s and furthermore into Pakistan and Bangladesh in 1971. I had the privilege of interviewing him when he was in New York during a recent tour.

Chesler: How long has the Muslim violence against Hindus been going on? I know it has existed for 800 years or more. I am asking about the more recent series of events in West Bengal.

Ghosh: Though Hindus in Bengal faced massive attacks and massacres during the Partition of 1947 (when India was divided into India and Pakistan and 3/4th of Bengal went to Pakistan), the violence never ceased. In West Bengal, violence against Hindus took place again in the 1950s and from 1964-65; violence continued until 1971, when it eased off for some time. That was during the time when across the border, nearly 3 million Hindus in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) were killed by the Pakistani Army, as part of their genocide to stop the creation of Bangladesh.

In recent times, the violence has been increasing (both in its spread and intensity) every day since the early eighties.

Chesler: What kind of violence did Muslims commit against Hindus in West Bengal and East Pakistan? Please be more specific.

Ghosh: Anti-Hindu violence started on the morning of August 16, 1946, when Muslim League volunteers forced Hindu shopkeepers in North Calcutta (in present day West Bengal) to close their shops and Hindus retaliated by obstructing the passage of League’s processions. With the tacit support of the police, the Muslim mobs went on a rampage, looting Hindu-owned shops, attacking Hindus with clubs and knives, and raping Hindu women. After a week of violence, an official estimate put the casualties at 4,000 dead and 100,000 injured. Other sources put the death toll at 6,000. Most of the victims were Hindus. The riots in Calcutta spread to other regions, reaching Noakhali, a remote district in present day Bangladesh, where a massive pogrom was organized against the Hindu minority. The death toll is estimated to be in the thousands, with 51,000 to 75,000 Hindus cleansed from this region.

General Yahya Khan, the military dictator of Pakistan, while speaking to his top military brass once said, “Kill three million of them and the rest will eat out of our hands.” The liberation movement for Bangladesh was characterized by an escalation of atrocities against the Hindus and pro-liberation Muslims. Hindus were specifically singled out because of their perceived proclivity to the Bengali language. Bengali, which has strong roots in the Sanskrit language and Hindu culture, was considered as a hindrance to the Islamisation of East Pakistan. In March 1971, the Government of Pakistan and its supporters in Bangladesh, the Jama’at- e-Islami (The Party of Islam) launched a violent operation, codenamed “Operation Searchlight,” to crush all pro-liberation activities. A large section of the Hindu intellectual community of Bangladesh was murdered, mostly by the Al-Shams and Al-Badr militia, (both were military wings of the Jama’at-e-Islami). Bangladesh government figures (officially accepted by the US State Department, which at that time of the Cold War, was openly supporting Pakistan) put the death toll at 300,000 even though nearly 3 million of them were never accounted for and are presumed dead. According to declassified documents from the George Washington University’s National Security Archives, consisting of communications between US officials working in embassies and USIS centers in Dhaka and in India, and officials in Washington, DC, the terms ‘selective genocide’ and ‘genocide’ were used to describe events.

The primary reason why Hindus have been forced to leave East Pakistan (and later Bangladesh) is a draconian law known as the Vested Property Act. According to this law, the government has the power to seize ownership of properties from individuals it deems enemies the state. It was formerly known as the Enemy Property Act (when Bangladesh was part of Pakistan) and is still referred to as such in common parlance. Abul Barkat, a professor of economics at Dhaka University who has conducted seminal research on this act, says that some 1.2 million or 44 per cent of the 2.7 million Hindu households in the country were affected by the Enemy Property Act and its post-independence version, the Vested Property Act, passed in 1974. Successive governments of Bangladesh have promised to repeal the act, but to date, some 35 years after independence, none have done so. According to one estimate, “Nearly two hundred thousand Hindu families have lost 2.2 million acres of land, including their houses, since 2001 alone. At the current market price, the value of the 2.2 million acres of land that the Hindu families were displaced from is about 3.6 billion dollars, which is more than half of the country’s gross domestic product.

Chesler: Please summarize the threats and crimes that have been perpetrated.

Ghosh: The atrocities that Hindus are facing in villages bordering Bangladesh are multifarious. The case of massive illegal infiltration is well known today. What the people of India and the United States don’t know is their activities. This includes crimes which target Hindu women; from relatively small cases of street harassment, to sexual assault, rape, kidnapping and forced conversion to Islam. Incidences of illegal migrants encroaching upon Hindu lands as well as organized land grabbing by Islamic criminal networks are also very common. There is also a sharp increase in the cases of rioting during Hindu festivals, destruction of Temples, desecration of Deities, and large-scale, provocative cow slaughter during Hindu festivals, even in Hindu-majority localities. Construction of large, illegal mosques, often upon encroached land, is happening in all border areas and has changed the landscape of rural Bengal. The establishment of massive Saudi- funded Madrasas across rural Bengal is only contributing to the growing religious extremism among Muslims, implementation of Sharia laws by Chalasi (Islamic) courts is quite prevalent in villages in the Malda, Murshidabad and North Dinajpur districts.

Finally, the Indo-Bangla border acts as a major conduit for smuggling by the terrorist networks and has grave consequences for national security. As a result of the growing Islamization of rural Bengal, Hindus are leaving the border area villages. This change in demography is well established in Assam, and I fear that the upcoming census will paint a grimmer scenario in W. Bengal too. Calls for a greater Muslim Bangla are not unheard of in Muslim-majority districts and my greatest fear is the day when Muslim zealots will give a call for Nara-e-takbir (cries of “Allahu Akbar”) and tell Hindus to either convert or leave Bengal. Where will we go then?

Chesler: Why have the Hindu police and Indian government failed to do anything to stop these crimes against their own citizens?

Ghosh: While India is constitutionally secular, it is also an electoral democracy which means that politicians care about winning elections and cannot ignore the 31% of the Bengali Muslim population that is believed to vote en-masse. The government, both at the State and Central level understand the problem, but do not want to show the political courage that is needed to talk about these issues and address them. Instead they just ignore them.

The Police response is also mixed. Though sometimes they take positive measures to stop these crimes, most often there is severe corruption, and a fear of tackling the Islamic mafia. The fact that governmental higher-ups will not be supportive of a pro-active response also demoralizes police officials at the grassroots level.

But it is not that the politicians and the government agencies are asleep, it is the middle class Bengalis that are in deep slumber. The entire Hindu Bengali intelligentsia and culturally enriched Bengali society could not provide protection to one Muslim lady, Ms. Taslima Nasreen, a poet and an intellectual who dared to raise her voice against Islamic fundamentalism in Bangladesh and had to escape to West Bengal. But the West Bengal government was so afraid, that it refused to give protection to her.

Role of the Media

Chesler: Why has the Hindu media been so passive? What is the response when you send out a press release, make a phone call, invite a journalist to view the destroyed property, the traumatized and re-kidnapped girls and women?

Ghosh: The role of the media, generally speaking, varies from being a passive onlooker, to being outright anti-Hindu. Let me give a fairly recent example regarding the meek surrender of the Bengali media to this extremism. When Islamic zealots ransacked the office of the renowned newspaper, ‘The Statesman’ in Kolkata, in retaliation for a mere reproduction of an article originally written by Johann Hari for The Independent (UK), the silence in the Bengali press, and for that matter, the national media, was deafening. Any reader of the article would know that there was nothing, even remotely derogatory against Islam and the article simply denounced religious extremism. In the end, while editor Ravindra Kumar and publisher Anand Sinha were arrested for offending Muslim sentiments, no action was taken against the rioters. Where was the freedom of press then? Now, we all know what happens when Hindu organizations protest against the Press, the news channels repeat the same footage for days at a time. While violence against the press cannot be condoned, why the double standards? As a general rule, while many Muslims resort to rioting at the slightest provocation, no one in the media wants to report these incidents to preserve their “political correctness” and for fear of being labeled “communal” (nationalist, “Islamophobic”).

Chesler: Why are the Muslims flooding over the border from Bangladesh into India? What do they really want? Is it strictly for economic reasons or do they have political and jihadic goals in mind?

Ghosh: Most Muslims who come from Bangladesh come for economic reasons, even though Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence and trans-national Jihadi groups also infiltrate their assets, using the cover of illegal immigrants. The immigrants are primarily interested in finding avenues of earning a living, but they carry with them the religious value system and teachings from the Islamic Madrassas of Bangladesh. They support radical Islam and carry with them the same ethos wherever they go. So even though, initially, they are overtly not working for the Pan-Islamic agenda and are only focused on earning a living, they become willing force multipliers to the goals of Jihad by supporting them when required.

Chesler: What do you need in order to keep your communities safe from such violence?

Ghosh: We need resources to increase our outreach and effectiveness. We also need people who are in positions of influence around the world to highlight the situation, so that our workers at the grassroots and the Hindu masses who are victims, feel that the story of their suffering is not falling on deaf ears. Most importantly, enough pressure has to be placed on the government and the Police, so that it acts against the Islamic expansionism- decisively.

Chesler: What do you hope to accomplish in your US tour?

Ghosh: The purpose of my visit is in sync with the aspirations of Hindu Samhati, that spreading awareness and raising concerted opposition to the advances of Islamic expansionism, is critical to the survival of secular, liberal democracies like India, the Hindu civilization and much of the western civilization, including the United States. During my stay here, I hope to create awareness about the current, ongoing religious tensions in rural Bengal and seek the help of Americans and their suggestions on how to best serve the population of Bengal. I will greatly treasure the opportunity that I had to meet a wide variety of people, from non-resident Bengalis to US politicians, think tanks, and other well wishing Indians and Americans. We have had a phenomenal response to the work done by our volunteers in the villages. Most agree that the situation is alarming and have responded very positively to help in any way they can.

Chesler: What would do you want the Indian government, police, and media to do?

Ghosh: We want the Indian government and the Police to:

  • Apply Uniform Civil Code (so that Muslims do not have separate Civil law under a secular Indian judicial system), ban multiple marriages and enforce family planning laws.
  • Stop illegal immigration from Bangladesh and send back all undocumented Muslims who came to West Bengal after 1971.
  • Ban Madrassas and enforce secular education.
  • Create a task force that is legally and logistically equipped to counter the Islamic expansionism by providing support to Hindus in areas where they are being forced to migrate, arresting and prosecuting known Islamic mafia kingpins and seizing their properties and resources.

We want the media to:

  • Investigate and report the atrocities that are being perpetrated against Hindus.
  • Eschew fear and double standards in addressing issues of religious apartheid.

Chesler: What do you want Americans and Westerners to understand? And to do?

Ghosh: People the United States must realize that the war on Islamic terrorism cannot be won without curbing religious extremism amongst the Muslim masses, be it in the suburbs of Detroit or Delhi or villages in rural Bengal. And this will require the active support and cooperation with each other ranging from cooperation at the highest level to those who work at the grassroots level. We hope that Americans and Westerners will come out and support the Hindus in Bengal in raising resources and creating awareness about our on-the-ground realities. Hindus need their socioeconomic support now, so that the situation does reach a point of no-return, and a military solution is the only option.


Sunday, September 12, 2010

Kolkata : The Trinamool problem

Kolkata Confidential

Express News Service Posted online: Mon Sep 13 2010, 06:50 hrs

Kolkata : The Trinamool problem

The Trinamool Congress had the government in a spot again last week, this time over the riots in Deganga, with party MP Nurul Islam accused of fanning communal tensions. It took some deft handling at the highest levels in Delhi for the situation to not get completely out of hand.

Realising the implications if the riots spread, the Centre took the lead and decided to send in two columns of the Army without even a formal request from the local administration or the West Bengal government. The Army, for a moment, even asked whether it should wait for the request to come officially.

The Defence Minister, however, was clear that he was acting under express instructions and that the formalities would be completed later. So the Army carried out flag marches, was present for three days, and was only derequisitioned on Saturday. It is still a mystery to many as to how the decision to call in the Army was expedited. Either ways, the consternation within the government over Nurul Islam's role in the entire episode remains.

Saturday, September 11, 2010

Time for Bengali Hindus To Leave or Perish?

September 12, 2010

Kanchan Gupta

In 1946 there was no ‘Right-wing media’ and ‘Left-liberal media’ in Bengal (or, for that matter, in India as it existed then). There were newspapers and journals that were clubbed together as the “Hindu Press” because they did not blindly echo the Muslim League’s raucous demand that all of Bengal must go to (East) Pakistan, and there was the “League Press” comprising dailies, weeklies and monthly magazines, of which there was a surfeit those days, all of them virulently anti-Hindu and hence pro-Pakistan — with the notable exception of The Statesman which was then edited by Ian Stephens who was pro-Pakistan and hence anti-Hindu.

Curiously, newspapers and journals opposed to the League’s politics, policies and programmes were labelled as “Hindu Press” by Bengal’s blatantly communal Government led by the Muslim League and headed by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy as well as the Province’s British administrators who were never quite comfortable with the “Hindoo baboo” although he had proved to be an invaluable ally in first setting up and then managing the colonial enterprise after the sepoy mutiny of 1857 which left the Mussalman out in the cold, to be tolerated but not to be trusted. Newspapers like The Star of India, which wielded considerable influence among Muslims, and The Statesman, whose columns were brazenly used by Ian Stephens to try and sway official policy and public opinion in favour of Pakistan, were just referred to as the “League Press”, as were Urdu and Bengali rags that openly called for murder and worse if Hindus stood in the way of their ‘homeland’ — or the “land of the pure” as the name selected by the League, which was to become the core of separatist propaganda, promised its supporters.

Six decades later, newspapers and news channels that, as a matter of editorial policy, intentionally gloss over Muslim communalism which is no less sinister and debilitating for our national life as was the fanatical hatred towards Hindus preached and practised by the Muslim League, are strangely referred to as the “secular media”. Measured by the same yardstick, the “League Press” was the “secular media” of 1946, although Ian Stephens would have protested at the suggestion, not least because he would have considered it antithetical to Muslim interests which were then represented by the politics of Muslim separatism about which there was nothing secular.

But we digress. The polarisation of the media, pitting the “Hindu Press” against the “League Press”, became starkly noticeable before, during and after the ‘Great Calcutta Killing’ of August 1946. A month before that ghastly blood-letting on the streets of Calcutta by mobs owing allegiance to and instigated by the Muslim League, the self-appointed ‘sole spokesman’ of India’s Muslims, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, had dropped all pretensions of being a moderate constitutionalist: He had rejected both the Constituent Assembly and the British offer to transfer power to an interim Government in which the Muslim League would be a partner of the Congress. It was either Pakistan or ‘Direct Action’, he threatened; the Muslims, he declared at a Press conference, were ready to “launch a struggle (for which they) have chalked a plan”. Asked what he meant by ‘Direct Action’, an incandescent Jinnah, who never relished answering questions, caustically replied, “Go to the Congress and ask them their plans. When they take you into their confidence I will take you into mine. Why do you expect me alone to sit with folded hands? I also am going to make trouble.”

It is tempting to wonder whether Jinnah had any idea of the ‘trouble’ that he threatened to make on ‘Direct Action Day’, August 16, 1946. If he knew that the League’s rage boys would run riot across Calcutta and mercilessly butcher men, women and children, he did nothing to prevent it. And, if Jinnah was repulsed by the gruesome sight of corpses piling up faster than they could be removed by a paralysed city administration, he never expressed his regret nor did he castigate Suhrawardy, who sat in the police control room during the killings to ensure the police did nothing to stop the ‘direct action’. Records of the time are not entirely reliable. The “League Press” played down, if not entirely glossed over, the murder and mayhem let loose by Muslim League activists; the “Hindu Press” was accused of inflating the numbers of those killed and injured. The official inquiry report would put to shame white-wash jobs done by latter day official inquiries, for instance the one into the 1984 genocide of Sikhs in Delhi. Subsequent literature places the death toll at anything between 5,000 and 10,000. We will never really know the truth.

The story, however, does not end with the harrowing days and nights of August 1946 when vultures descended in large numbers on the roads, streets and gullies of Calcutta, feasting on corpses rotting in the sweltering post-monsoon heat. In a sense, ‘Direct Action Day’ was a curtain-raiser, the prelude to another ghastly massacre. The minority Hindu community of Ramganj in Noakhali district had no inkling of the “organised fury of the Muslim mob” that was unleashed on October 10, 1946. Within days, nearly all of Noakhali was engulfed by communal violence — Hindus were slaughtered like so many sheep; those who tried to flee were waylaid and killed. The “Hindu Press” reported thousands lost their lives; the “League Press” incredibly not only downplayed the violence but insisted there was no loss of lives. Ashok Gupta (no relative of mine and a Gandhian to boot) who accompanied Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi on his Noakhali sojourn prepared a report on the riot in which he recorded tales of Hindus being killed, forced to embrace Islam, and Hindu women being abducted or coerced into marrying Muslims. Such details are missing in official records which merely mention that the riots led to the loss of 200 lives.

The New York Times, reporting on Noakhali, published an AP despatch from New Delhi: “Mohandas K Gandhi, who has been attempting to insure communal peace in the Bengal and Bihar areas, said religious strife in the troubled Noakhali section of Bengal seemed to call for Hindus to leave or perish ‘in the flames of fanaticism’... He released telegrams from Congress workers in Noakhali, which is predominantly Moslem, in which they described attempts to burn Hindus alive.”

Sixty-four years later, areas of West Bengal which have witnessed a tectonic shift in their demographic profile due to unrestrained illegal immigration from Bangladesh, are slowly turning into volatile ‘Noakhalis’. Last week we had a glimpse of the communal belligerence that is building up when the minority Hindus in Deganga faced the “organised fury of the Muslim mob” led by Haji Nurul Islam, a Trinamool Congress MP. Is it time again for Hindus to leave or perish ‘in the flames of fanaticism’? If yes, where will they flee to? Isn’t India their land too?

Thursday, September 9, 2010

Muslim Persecution of Hindus In India (Fox News)

Muslim Persecution of Hindus In India --
The Story You Won't See In the Western Mainstream Media

They are crossing the border illegally and violently displacing the indigenous population whose homes and possessions they either destroy or occupy. They are attacking the young, the elderly, and especially the girls and women, whom they kidnap, forcibly convert, or traffic into brothels. The locals are terrified of them. The police rarely come to their aid, nor do the politically correct media or government. Both are terrified by the criminals and terrorists who are riding these immigrant waves.

I am not talking about illegal immigrants to Europe or North America. I am describing Muslims who are penetrating India’s West Bengal region. These Bangladeshi immigrants are becoming conduits for criminal activities (arms, drugs, and sexual slavery) which also fund global jihad.

You won’t read about this in the Western mainstream media—or even in the Indian media, which has turned a blind eye to this ongoing tragedy because they are afraid to be labeled “politically incorrect” or “Islamophobic.” They are also afraid of reprisals. When Islamic zealots ransacked the office of the renowned newspaper, ‘The Statesman’ in Kolkata, in retaliation for a mere reproduction of an article condemning Islamic extremism, the Indian press remained silent. The editor and publisher of the newspaper were arrested for offending Muslim sentiments and no action was taken against the rioters.

Fortunately, there are a few very brave Hindus who are taking a stand against the Muslim terror campaign in India. One of them is Tapan Ghosh, whom I had the privilege of meeting recently when he came to New York City to talk about anti-Hindu persecution in his homeland. In 2008, Ghosh founded “Hindu Samhati” (Hindu Solidarity Movement), which serves persecuted Hindu communities in both West Bengal and Bangladesh.

As Ghosh emphasized in our interview, the Muslim persecution of Hindus in India is nothing new. Over a period of 800 years, millions of Hindus were slaughtered by Muslims as infidels or converted by the sword. In 1946-1947, when British India was divided into India and Pakistan, Muslims massacred many thousands of Hindus in Calcutta, the capital of West Bengal, and all along the fault line which separated India and Pakistan. Anti-Hindu riots and massacres continued during the 1950s and 1960s, but it was in 1971, when East Pakistan broke away to form the country of Bangladesh, that things worsened for Hindus in the area.

As Ghosh explained to me, “The liberation movement for Bangladesh was characterized by an escalation of atrocities against the Hindus and pro-liberation Muslims. Hindus were specifically singled out because they were considered a hindrance to the Islamisation of East Pakistan. In March 1971, the government of Pakistan and its supporters in Bangladesh launched a violent operation, codenamed “Operation Searchlight,” to crush all pro-liberation activities. Bangladeshi government figures put the death toll at 300,000, though nearly 3 million Hindus were never accounted for and are presumed dead.” U.S. officials in both India and Washington used the word “genocide” to describe what took place.

According to Ghosh, there has recently been a sharp increase in incidents of “Muslim rioting during Hindu festivals, destruction of Temples, desecration of Deities, and large-scale, provocative cow slaughter.” Worse: “Hundreds, thousands, of Hindu girls have been kidnapped, trafficked into sexual slavery, or taken as second or third wives for wealthy Muslim men. In recent years, Ghosh’s organization has rescued nearly 100 such girls, and one of his main missions has been to help reintegrate those survivors into their families and societies.

Ghosh wants the Indian government to stop the illegal immigration from Bangladesh and to force the return of undocumented Muslims; to ban madrassas and polygamy; to enforce a single standard of law and education; and to arrest and prosecute known Muslim mafia kingpins and terrorists. He challenges the media to report on the anti-Hindu atrocities and to address the issue of religious apartheid.

Ghosh is not optimistic. “The establishment of massive Saudi-funded Madrasas across rural Bengal is only contributing to the growing religious extremism among Muslims, [and] implementation of Sharia laws by [Islamic] courts is quite prevalent in many villages.” His greatest fear, he tells me, is that one day shouts of “Allahu Akbar” will ring out across the land and that Muslim zealots will demand that Hindus either convert or leave West Bangal—or die.

Ghosh came to America not just to appeal to Indian-Americans with family and historical ties in West Bengal and Bangladesh but to appeal to all Americans for their support. As he sees it, the battle against Muslim persecution in India is just one front in a much larger battle against Islamic expansionism and terror throughout the world.

All Americans must realize, he told me, “that the war on Islamic terrorism cannot be won without curbing religious extremism amongst the Muslim masses, be it in the suburbs of Detroit or Delhi or villages in rural Bengal. And this will require the active support and cooperation with each other, ranging from cooperation at the highest level to those who work at the grassroots level. We hope that Americans and Westerners will come out and support the Hindus in Bengal in raising resources and creating awareness about our on-the-ground realities.”

Phyllis Chesler, Ph.D. is professor emerita of psychology and the author of thirteen books including "Woman’s Inhumanity to Woman" and "The New Anti-Semitism." She has written extensively about Islamic gender apartheid and about honor killings. She once lived in Kabul, Afghanistan. She may be reached through her website:

The author would like to acknowledge the assistance of Nathan Bloom in the preparation of this article.