Malaysia: Hindus count, Hindraf ban lifted

In a major overture to its Indian-origin citizens (mainly Hindus of Tamil stock), the Malaysian government lifted its four-year ban on the Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf), on the eve of the auspicious Tamil month of Thaipusam, on January 25, 2013. The Registrar of Societies informed Hindraf chairman P Waythamoorthy that Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein had lifted the ban imposed on Oct 14, 2008, under Clause 5 of the Societies Act 1966, which gives authorities absolute discretion to ban any organization in the interests of national security and public order.

Hindraf is a voluntary organization of the descendants of the Tamil indentured labour brought to work on the plantations of British landowners in the colonial period. In the decades since independence, they have suffered much State-sponsored discrimination and oppression.

On Nov 25, 2007, Hindraf brought 30,000 Indian Malaysians out on the streets of Kuala Lumpur to protest against the growing marginalisation of the community; the rally succeeded despite a government ban and was one of the largest ever opposition rallies in the city. It resulted in a crackdown by the then Abdullah Ahmad Badawi led-government and the arrest of five key Hindraf leaders under the Internal Security Act. They remained in detention for two years. As Waythamoorthy was then abroad, he became an exile for five years before returning to Malaysia in August 2012 despite the ban on Hindraf.

In protest, the Indian community which had long supported the ruling Barisan Nasional, turned to the Pakatan Rakyat opposition combine in the March 2008 elections, as a result of which the ruling coalition lost its two thirds majority for the first time since 1973, along with five states. In October 2008, the then Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar banned Hindraf, on grounds that it was a threat to public order, security and sovereignty of the country and racial harmony.

Hindraf was caught unawares by the sudden upturn in its fortunes, which is certain to have political implications in an election year. The lifting of the ban has been linked to overtures made by chairman Waythamoorthy to both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. While the opposition met with Hindraf, the latter refused to meet with the BN till the ban was removed.

The lifting of the ban comes just prior to the March 5 hearing at the Federal Court where Hindraf is seeking registration as a legal body. Hindraf lawyer M Manoharan, a member of the Kota Alam Shah assembly, has advised it to seek an apology and damages from the government as the ban caused grave hardship to many activists. Lawyer P Uthayakumar feels that “in the spirit of the lifting of the ban,” the Attorney-General’s Chambers should drop the cases against the 54 activists charged for being members of an illegal body after they took part in Hindraf’s anti-Interlok rally of 2011, which protested against racial slurs against the Hindu community in Malaysian textbooks. His supporters demand that the sedition charges against Uthayakumar also be dropped immediately.

The question now is whether Hindraf will fall for the bait thrown by the Barisan Nasional, which clearly desires their votes, though the party once arrogantly stated that it did not need non-Malay (Muslim) votes. But now, the presence of a powerful opposition has convinced Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak and the BN to conciliate the Indian community. Some observers feel that by opening talks with Hindraf and conceding some major demands in terms of education and economic opportunities, the Barisan Nasional will secure the critical Indian vote in many federal and state constituencies.

Others feel it may not be easy to overcome the deep sense of injustice and anger felt by Malaysian Indians in the over four decades of BN-sanctioned institutionalized racism and discrimination. The Hindus also faced religious persecution, destruction of clan temples and icons, and forced conversions.

Dr. Lim Teck Ghee, director, Centre for Policy Initiatives, notes that Hindraf leaders have made tremendous personal sacrifices to fight for equal rights and opportunities for all Malaysians (i.e., including those of Chinese origin), particularly Indian Malaysians. Since the 2007 rally and the 2008 general election in which Hindraf caused a major upheaval in the polity, its leaders and supporters have suffered enormous persecution.

It seems likely that Hindraf will move cautiously as the Barisan Nasional is known to renege on election promises. Its five-decade rule has resulted in the sustained decline of the Indian community in terms of socio-economic indicators and political participation.

Hence, Hindraf’s central objective is a quest for reconciliation which will bring closure to some of the major grievances of Indian Malaysians, rather than settle for some economic crumbs at election time. This will mean bringing the poor and marginalised communities out of the “neo-slavery” conditions in which they have been living for over five decades and into the mainstream national economy. This is why Hindraf outlined an 18-point demand charter after the 2007 rally, and more recently, a Blueprint.

Together, the two documents call for a dismantling of the racist and discriminatory system and state; addressing the plight of hundreds of thousands of displaced plantation workers and stateless Indians; ensuring adequate and equal educational, employment and business opportunities for Indians and other minorities; eradicating the racism that is rampant within the police and other sectors of the civil service and which has especially targeted poor Indians; and raising the standards of human rights practices to ensure a free, just and fair nation. The now-legal movement specifically calls for scrapping Article 153 of the Federal Constitution, which outlines the special privileges and positions of the Malays.

The Barisan Nasional and Pakatan parties are eager to woo Hindraf as both realise that Indian voters hold the key to power in the states of Kedah, Perak, Selangor and Negri Sembilan and can influence the outcome in Johor, Malacca and Pahang if the contest is close.

Much, however, will depend on how the Barisan Nasional takes its initiative further. In November 2012, Perkasa chief Datuk Ibrahim Ali had indicated the government’s willingness to meet with Hindraf despite the prevailing ban, “as everyone was entitled to voice out concerns plaguing their community”. But he did not want the organisation to raise “sensitive issues such as the interests of the Malays, Bumiputeras and Islam as the official religion”. Rather, he said, Hindraf should focus on improving the lives of the Indian community amidst the escalating cost of living. But chairman Waythamoorthy insisted on the ban being lifted first.

So far, the public reaction to lifting the ban has been less than euphoric, and Hindraf will have to tread cautiously while responding to government overtures. The Indian community’s top demand is that the 450,000 Indians denied legal citizenship papers and thus rendered stateless be given their rights. Some want a Minority Ministry to implement Hindraf’s blueprint, and for BN to allot 48 seats for Hindraf in the next general elections, a commitment that should be given in writing.

The development is a big boost to Hindraf, which had split into several factions after the rally of 2007 and subsequent repression. An offshoot party, the Malaysian Makkal Sakhti Party, sided with the Barisan Nasional in the 2008 elections, while other groups went along with the Pakatan combine, mostly to DAP or PKR. But now, if it plays its cards well, Hindraf could emerge as a major political force in its own right.

Source: http://www.vijayvaani.com/ArticleDisplay.aspx?aid=2669

Pakistan’s long forgotten Hindu temples and Gurdwaras

The partition of India was based on the premise that a Bengali Muslim would be able to identify with the sorrows and issues of a Punjabi Muslim more than a Bengali Hindu.

Of course, that was a vicious and diabolic notion because I believe that culture and heritage stand above religion.

I recently visited the dilapidated temples and gurdwaras of Rawalpindi and realised that the city still sings of her secular past.

In the early 19th century, the British made Rawalpindi the central seat of military power as they aimed towards Afghanistan. This was in line with their strategic approach towards the Russian Empire in order to enjoy and retain complete control over central Asia.

Known as the Great Game, the conflict continues today in another form.

After the partition in 1947, Rawalpindi continued to be the general headquarters of the army. But Pindi has a lot more to tell than just it’s military tales. The city is known for its heritage and culture. Its multi-religious character changed when almost all of its Hindu and Sikh inhabitants left for India. Sixty five years after partition, I went looking for their temples and Gurudwaras.

Walking around the old city, in areas like Krishanpura, Akaal Garh, Mohanpura, Amarpura, Kartarpura, Bagh Sardaraan, Angatpura, you can see Pindi’s heritage.

There are about ten dilapidated temples and Gurdwaras which are no longer functional. One temple located at Kohati Bazaar is in good condition. Its premises are used as a government school for disabled children.

Another beautiful Gurdwara known as Bagh Sardaraan is used by the Punjab Police as their main office.

The temple located at Government Asghar Mall College is used as a scrap yard. A Shiva temple at Gunjmandi now houses storerooms or shops. There are a few more abandoned temples scattered around College Road, Bohar Bazaar, Purana Qilla, Bagh Sardaraan and then some on the outskirts of Rawalpindi which are about to collapse, or so it seems!

In the old area of Lunda Bazaar, there used to be three temples, a Gurdwara, a Khalsa School and many Havelis belonging to the Hindus and Sikhs of the time. Of the three temples, two have survived. The third, of goddess Kali in the main bazaar, no longer exists. It has been converted into living quarters and extensions have been made, thus changing the original structure entirely.

In Lunda bazaar, there is a tall structure of a temple known as Mohan Mandir. This temple is believed to have been built by two Hindu Hakims in 1930, Hakim Asa Anand and Hakim Moti Ram.

It is sad that even though there are so many abandoned temples in Rawalpindi and Islamabad, there is not a single place for the Hindus living in the twin cities to celebrate their festivals like diwali, shivratri or holi.

There are more than 25,000 Hindus living in Rawalpindi and Islamabad. Some of them have migrated from other parts of Pakistan, mainly from Sindh.

Recently, following a request from Ramesh Lal, a Hindu parliamentarian of the ruling Pakistan People’s Party, Prime Minister Raja Pervez issued a directive to the chairman of the Capital Development Authority to build a new temple for the Hindu community.

That is undoubtedly a good gesture, however, the government must also urgently restore and preserve the old heritage of the city- if not for the sake of the minorities still prevalent in our country then at least for the sake of history and heritage.

Source: http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/15785/pakistans-long-forgotten-hindu-temples-and-gurdwaras/

(Takhpari-Temple Takhpari Mandir)

(The entrance to a Temple in Gunjmandi)

(Purana-Qilla-Temple)

Cow smuggling ... it's how Bangladesh gets its beef

Beef is a delicacy in Bangladesh, but Hindu-majority India refuses to sell their sacred cows. The demand is so high, however, that a dangerous $920 million cow smuggling trade has popped up.

In Muslim majority Bangladesh beef is in high demand.

More than 90 percent of the 160 million people who live there are Muslims and for them beef is a delicacy.

The country's meat producers estimate that slaughterhouses need up to 3 million cows every year to feed Bangladeshi appetites, and to help meet demand, Bangladesh is eyeing neighboring India. Cows are everywhere in India, but the cow is considered holy in the Hindu-majority country. In fact, slaughtering cows is banned in many Indian states, and New Delhi refuses to export them.

That refusal hasn't done much to deter the demand for beef in Bangladesh, however. In fact, say officials in Dhaka, beef has become so valuable it's spurred a dangerous cow smuggling trade across the India-Bangladesh border.

More than 2 million cows are smuggled from India to Bangladesh every year and most of the illegal trade takes place through the Indian border state of West Bengal, says Bimal Pramanik, an independent researcher in Calcutta, India.

“Bangladeshi slaughterhouses cannot source even 1 million cows from within the country. If Indian cows do not reach the Bangladeshi slaughterhouses, there will be a big crisis there,” says Mr. Pramanik, adding that 3 out of every 4 cows slaughtered in the country are from India.

“In this thriving trade, [herds of] cows worth 50 billion rupees [$920 million] are sent across to Bangladesh every year. It’s the sheer economics of the trade that drives the smuggling,” says Pramanik.

Cattle smugglers say they routinely bribe the police, customs, Border Security Force guards, and even some politicians in India to look the other way.

However, locals call this part of the border the “Wall of Death,” for the smuggling-related tensions that sometimes turn into violence. In 2012, security forces killed 48 Bangladeshis along the border, according to the Bangladeshi human rights group Ain o Salish Kendra.

But Bangladeshis say there is a simple way to end violence along the border.

"If India begins exporting cows to Bangladesh, such untoward incidents will stop," said the Bangladeshi Commerce Minister Golam Mohammad Quader. "We are really keen to import cows from India, and want all illegal activities involving cow trade across the border to end," he said.

The former head of India's Border Security Forces Utthan Kumar Bansal recently agreed: “The menace of smuggling might be best controlled if the trade across the border is made legal. The legalization of export of cows could also help curb tension on the volatile border,” Mr. Bansal said.

Although Bansal’s comment did not trigger any government reaction in India, some right wing Hindu groups said they would never let India export cows to any country.

Radhakanta Saha, who is a World Hindu Organization leader and heads a volunteer group that aims to prevent cow smuggling in West Bengal, said: “The cow is our mother. We shall begin country-wide agitation if India decides to export cows to a country where they are likely to be slaughtered for ... meat.”

Source: http://news.yahoo.com/cow-smuggling-bangladesh-gets-beef-140005738.html  

Netaji, Hindutva and Nationalism

Kanchan Gupta

As the nation, or what passes for it in this wondrous land with an abysmally poor sense of history, observes the 116^th birth anniversary of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, perhaps the time has come for one of India’s great leaders to be freed from the confines of political myth-making that has reduced him to calendar lithographs which adorn living rooms in provincial Bengal and the dimly lit offices of the Forward Bloc in Kolkata.

In a sense, that would mark the posthumous homecoming for a nationalist who believed that rashtrabhakti is a synthesis of religion and nationalism, of the spiritual and the political. In the early decades of this century, when others were looking up to Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi for inspiration, Bose was looking elsewhere for guidance: His search for a religious philosophy that would spur political activism led him to explore the teachings of Swami Vivekananda and the writings of Aurobindo Ghosh. The latter made a lasting impression on his mind, providing his political activism with a religious side.

The profound Impact that Aurobindo Ghosh had on Subhas Chandra Bose is reflected in his autobiography: “In my undergraduate days, Aurobindo Ghosh was easily the most popular leader in Bengal… a mixture of spirituality and politics had given him a halo of mysticism and made his personality more fascinating to those who were religiously inclined… We felt convinced that spiritual enlightenment was necessary for effective national service…”

It is, therefore, not surprising that he should have also been influenced by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s construction of nationalism. And like Aurobindo Ghosh, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the Indian nation for him extended beyond the geographical to the devotional plane. During his college days he discovered the wretchedness of not India but “impoverished Mother India.”

Curiously, his view of the other India, the one which appears so distant from the fashionable drawing rooms and glittering malls of our cities, is not different from those who believe that a divide separates ‘us’ and ‘them’. For, “the picture of real India”, which Subhas Chandra Bose described as “the India of the villages where poverty stalks the land, men die like flies, and illiteracy is the prevailing order”, is also the India which many believe should receive priority over that India which revels in rejecting anything that carries the label ‘Made in India’, including Hindu spirituality and religious philosophy.

In his book, Brothers Against The Raj, Leonard A Gordon writes about Bose’s quest for a religious philosophy to serve as the core of nationalism and sustain his political activism: “Inner religious explorations continued to be a part of his adult life. This set him apart from the slowly growing number of atheistic socialists and communists who dotted the Indian landscape.” And it was this “religious exploration” that set apart Subhas Chandra Bose from Jawaharlal Nehru for whom “this was a vain quest”. Although Bose scrupulously avoided publishing his faith or his quest, he remained firm in his belief that “Hinduism was an essential part of his Indianness”, his Bharatiyata. In other words, he subscribed to cultural nationalism or, call it If you must by its other name, Hindutva.

This did not, however, make him a bigoted Hindu, nor did it propel him towards Hindu orthodoxy. Commenting on the “definite Hindu streak in Bose’s dislike for Gandhi”, Nirad C Chaudhuri records in his memoirs, Thy Hand! Great Anarch, “He was in no sense a bigoted or even orthodox Hindu. But he had grown up in the first two decades of the twentieth century in Bengal, where, owing to the influence of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee and Swami Vivekananda, there was a fusion of religion and nationalism, so that the nationalist feeling had a pronounced Hindu complexion and Hinduism a pronounced political character.”

This “fusion of religion and nationalism” and Hinduism with a “pronounced political character” came into play in 1925 when during his incarceration at Mandalay prison, Subhas Chandra Bose, along with the other Bengali prisoners, organised Durga Puja on the jail premises and demanded that the expenses be borne by the authorities. When the latter refused, Bose converted his spiritual quest into a political campaign by launching a hunger strike. This practice of political Hinduism had an electrifying impact on public opinion and soon the Swarajists lent their voice to the popular demand for the release of all political prisoners who had not been charged with specific crimes.

Those who deride nationalism, more so cultural nationalism, as narrow, selfish and aggressive, a hindrance to the promotion of internationalism, would do well to go through Bose’s speech at Poona after being elected president of the Maharashtra Provincial Conference. “Indian nationalism,” Subhas Chandra Bose asserted, “is inspired by the highest ideals of the human race, Satyam, Shivam, Sundaram. Nationalism in India has… roused the creative faculties which for centuries had been lying dormant in our people…”

Sadly, nationalism has now been rendered politically incorrect by our deracinated intelligentsia and abandoned by our corrupt political elite.

Source: http://www.niticentral.com/2013/01/netaji-hindutva-and-nationalism.html

Hindus Exploited Financially in Bengal to Better Muslims Once More

No Government For Hindu Minority in Bengal

It is utterly futile to reiterate that the reigning Government of Bengal is most interested to better a single community – Muslim – in the state than any other and the same trend has been going since its induction into the governance almost two years back. And this stance does not bring forth any other notion except blatant appeasement or pseudo-secularism, the same saga has been going on unchecked and the latest addition to the same happens to be the (newest) diktat of Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India to spend Rs. 10 crores for development in any Block in Bengal inhabited by 20% of minority people.

With this end in view a meeting took place between officers of Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of India and Ministry of Minority Affairs, Government of Bengal recently. The high-profile meeting was also attended by District Magistrates of 11 districts across Bengal.

According to the latest studies, 20% of minority people (dominated by Muslims altogether) do reside in no less than 51 Blocks across the state. As a result and it goes without saying that Muslims and Muslims only will turn out to be the largest beneficiaries of above-named governmental approaches. The special developmental programs will be prepared and pioneered formally by the concerned department of the State Government.

Meticulous analysis of Multi-sectoral Development Programme (MsDP) in Minority Concentration Districts (MCDs) also prevailed the meeting; Central officers expressed satisfaction over the State Government’s role in this regard. The latest decision confirms that MsDP project will continue for another five years in the state; Bengal received an amount of Rs. 360 crores (in the initial stage) for its implementation.

Hindus, therefore, are exploited once more to better Muslims; a great deal of Blocks in Bengal has been turned into Hindu-minority ones in the last tow decades. While Murshidabad and Maldah were leading in this case along with the Dinajpur districts, 24 Paraganas (South) that was on their trail has become a Muslim-majority district virtually. Magrahat Block remains a case study (in this respect) where Muslim population has increased by 40% in just last twenty years. And the Hindus came down to 47% in 2001 from 87% in 1981.

Hindu minority people in these areas have no respite; they can’t get amenities (of any kind) from the governance. They have not got a single penny yet and will not get anything ever.

According to dictionary, minority happens to be a small part of a population which is different from the rest in race, religion. If this definition is honored, Hindus can’t be snubbed ever; they ought to enjoy the minority status and have all the benefits in the Hindu-minority Blocks in Bengal.

Moreover, the National Commission for Minorities is yet to spell out the definition of minority.

Constitutional safeguards for religious and linguistic minorities of India states – Though the Constitution of India does not define the word ‘Minority’ and only refers to ‘Minorities’ and speaks of those ‘based on religion or language’, the rights of the minorities have been spelt out in the Constitution in detail (Source: http://ncm.nic.in/Constitutional_provisions.html).

Hindus inhabiting Hindu-minority Blocks in Bengal should get the same benefits but the governance is steadfast to exploit them to better Muslims only.

The Making of Another East Pakistan in Nadia District

A NRI's journey to his village

Shondanga is a lush-green village under PS Dhubulia, in Nadia District, West Bengal. It is just 7 km away from Mayapur (the headquarters of ISKCON), 2 km from National Highway number 34, and about 11 km from Sadar Krishnanagar (administrative headquarters of Nadia district).

The week after Durga Puja, a team of Hindu Samhati activists led by Sri. Tapan Ghosh, Sri. Dipak Sanyal and Sri. Somraj Ganguly visited Shondanga to assess the situation and offer strength and support to the beleaguered Hindus of this village, who are experiencing the brazen creation of another East Pakistan by alien Muslims who hold East Pakistani nationality, while the authorities continue to live in denial and nonchalantly look the other way.

There was not a single Muslim in Shondanga in June 1950. The village consisted of local Hindus and "refugee" Hindus from Chithalia and Amla- Sadarpur of Kushtia District, East Pakistan. Today, Shondanga has a population of over 20,000 (out of which about 95% are Muslims, while only about 1500 are Hindus), but Chithalia has no Hindu left.

The Hindu Samhati team met Sri. Sunil Pal, a remarkably brave hero and his equally resilient sister Kum. Renuka Pal, whose family has been spearheading the resistance (against the emerging East Pakistan-like situation for over 6 decades now) and have literally paid its price in blood. Their bold behaviour is exceptional in all of West Bengal. The brave Pal family is now the only Hindu family left in the Masjid Para of Shondanga.

They fearlessly guided the Hindu Samhati team around the village, including the 3 acres of Hindu land in Garai Para ("Locality of Oil Pressers") that has been forcibly occupied by Muslims to build a "club"; as well as the 18-remaining Hindu families (belonging to the extremely poor Muchi or cobbler community) in nearby Das Para.

In front of the Das Para, there is a small Kali temple and an adjoining ground which serves as the central meeting place of the Hindus of 'Das Para'. Not content with illegally capturing almost all of Shondanga village, the East Pakistani Muslims are now trying relentlessly to capture that ground and forcibly wrest it away from the native Hindus by turning it to an 'Anganwadi Center'.

Interestingly, this village is under 'Debipur Gram Panchayat' which is governed by BJP for a long time. but this booth is Muslim-majority, and its elected member is a Muslim from the Congress party.

Sri. Sunil Pal, a Chartered Electrical Engineer by profession, gives all the detailed background about the alien Muslims and their activities in this village, explains:

"My septuagenarian disabled elder sister, Kumari Renuka Pal, who is 81-years old, lives in Shondanga. I live with my family in London since over 3 decades but I have close contact with the village where we migrated in 1950.

My sister is the only Hindu in the so-called Masjid para. This village has 95% Muslim population. Muslims want to evict her so that they can grab our family property. She applied in the High Court of Calcutta and got an order for protection. Then SP Nadia Benoy Chakraborty IPS, a CPI(M) cadre, ignored the order. A contempt petition was filed which is still pending. She is now getting some sort of police protection causing anger to the Muslims.

Like many refugees, my late father Jagot Bondhu Pal came to live by exchanging land and properties in 1950 during the widespread communal riots in East Pakistan. Our house, along with all Hindu houses, was looted at Chithalia (PS Mirpur, Dist.Kushtia erstwhile Nadia, East Pakistan in March 1950. All Hindus from Chithalia and adjoining villages left for West Bengal. Most of them from Chithalia settled at Shondanga by exchanging their land and properties.

For your better understanding of issue in wider context, I shall reiterate the background and other details.

Background: There was wide spread communal riots in erstwhile East Pakistan in early 1950s. Hindus left in droves to avoid communal persecution. They exchanged their land and properties with the Muslims in West Bengal who were not affected as there were no riots in West Bengal. However Muslims wanted to leave voluntarily to live in their homeland i.e East Pakistan. Thus the Muslims took the nationality of Pakistan and Hindus that of India.

There was not a single Muslim in Shondanga in June 1950. The village consisted of local Hindus and "refugee" Hindus from Chithalia and Amla- Sadarpur of Dt. Kushtia, East Pakistan. Now Shondanga has a population of over 20,000 out of which only 1500 Hindus, but Chithalia has no Hindu.

Our family is now the only Hindu family in the Masjid Para of Shondanga. In 1950 all Muslims left for East Pakistan by exchanging the land and property with Hindus. Some Hindus exchanged the land and properties with proper documents, some by word of mouth and some by just one sheet of paper signed on a revenue stamp. The Muslims left although there was no communal riot in Shondanga or in Nadia. On the other hand there was widespread riot in East Pakistan driving out thousands of Hindus.

In 1956 when there was "RS" settlement record of land, the head of the Muslims from each family returned from East Pakistan to get their names recorded in RS record. The Government of West Bengal did not recognise the exchange of land and properties of Hindus by word of mouth or on the document where not all land of the Muslims was listed. In Muslim law, every adult person in the family has to sign a document of transfer of land. With regard to Hindus, the signature of the head of the family was enough. Thus those who did not have document listing each property and signed by each member of the Muslim family, had to give up the rightful ownership at the end though they have been living legally by exchanging their land and property. Thus Muslims got the land and properties which Hindus owned in East Pakistan where the Hindus could not return to reclaim.

The Muslims also got the land of "refugees" in Shondang owing to the Muslim law. That was a rather bizarre situation imposed on the hapless Hindus. They fought for a while but subsequently gave up and left the village. The Hindus with properly listed property stayed and yet to fight odd lapses but ultimately had to give up. Other Hindus left Shondanga to settle elsewhere in Nadia. Many became pauper again. The Muslims after acquiring voluntarily Pakistani nationality returned clandestinely to revert to Indian citizens illegally. They began forcible possession by disposing even legally settled Hindus like late Dr Sudhir Kumar Pal and his family who now live at Krishnanagar. Hundreds of Muslims together displaced him and the police behaved as onlookers. His sons Dr Subrata Pal and others live in Ghoorni, Krishnanagar like many other Hindus from Shondanga.

Muslims had thus double whammy at the cost of Hindus who lost their land and properties in Kushtia district as well as in Nadia. In addition, many Muslims in Shondanga clandestinely enjoy dual nationality. Hindus cannot claim Pakistani/Bangladesh hi nationality and claim their properties in Bangladesh.

After driving the most of the Hindu refugees, they then applied the brute force to the local Hindus. All Garai families are affected by the illegal acts of the Muslims. The Muslims forcibly displace Hindus from their land as a pastime. The court case takes long time. Thus the character of the land and property changes, the Hindus finally give up as all Muslims give evidence against Hindus who cannot find any witness owing to fear of persecution by the Muslims who are protected by the politicians now the CPI(M). This is has now become a tradition. Whenever there is a conflict, thousands of Muslims join hand against the Hindu family who does not get similar solidarity from the Hindus. Thus Muslims, who voluntarily took Pakistani nationality and subsequently Bangladeshi nationality, have driven out most of the Hindus who migrated from erstwhile East Pakistan. They are living elsewhere in Nadia.Many Muslim families enjoy dual nationality owing to overwhelming Muslim population.

As an example, CPIM leader Ismail Sheikh, s/o late Ehannabi who is married to a Bangladeshi woman clandestinely. His daughter was born in Bangladesh and settled there but visits Shondanga illegally to maintain dual nationality without any legal sanction of Indian government. His sons are also in similar situation. It is known that one of his sons has gone to the Middle East via Bangladesh but the rulers in West Bengal turn a blind eye to preserve vote banks.

Another Muslim Ashraf Gaen, Head master of Shondanga School, is a Pakistani/ Bangladeshi national. His father was in Pakistani civil service and died in Kushtia. Ashraf Gaen worked in Chuadanga and elsewhere in East Pakistan/Bangladesh but returned to Shondanga clandestinely in 1975 and has been a supporter/ member of CPIM. He took leading role in assaulting an observer of Election Commission in May 2004.These are just the tip of the iceberg in Nadia alone.

Our village in Nadia shows how a village without a single Muslim in 1950 has now over 20,000 Muslims. The village is like any Bangladeshi village. Cows are slaughtered every Friday. Mosque is built occupying public road (Road leading to Mayapur). Pregnant cow is "stolen" from a Hindu and is slaughtered at Muharam. The CPIM administration turns a blind eye to preserve vote banks constituted by aliens who have recorded their names in the voter list illegally at the behest of the political parties.

I will now give one example as to how the Muslims persecute Hindus to drive them out of the village.

Persecution of our family: My younger brother Nisith Pal a teacher of Belpukur High School was murdered by the Muslims in August 1975 just because he was a leader of Hindus. He was persecuted as he was exposing the criminal acts of the Muslims including slaughtering cows, clandestine movement and settlement of aliens etc. The Muslims conspired regularly as to how to kill him. He was attacked in our house several times. My father died in 1974. The Muslims got an additional opportunity, Nisith was murdered in 1975. Since my brother's murder, the Muslims were persecuting my mother and elder sister. Our pump house was destroyed several times, similarly our crops. It is a kind of pastime for the aliens, owing to brute numbers.

My mother died in 1994. Since then my sister is living alone in our house. She is being looked after by a maid. Her circumstances have encouraged the aliens to persecute her in association with the CPIM rulers.

Prelude to the latest bout of heinous crime and gross communalism against our family:

1. On 14th April 2000, the Muslims and the police at about 2.30 am destroyed 7 lines of 150 feet long barbed wire fence and 11 concrete pillars weighing 60 kgs each from the boundary of our house. The police have turned a blind eye as the criminals are Muslims protected by the CPI(M) administration.

2. On 23rd october 2000, in broad daylight at around 10am, more than dozens of CPI(M) Muslims raided our house and cut bamboos by force by threatening my sister. The police did nothing except a diary, GDE 696 of 23.10.2000. As a result my wife, Dr Kalyani Pal and I had to rush to our village. A case was instituted, CJM-Nadia Ordered by memo 451/2000 of 3.11.2000 to Dhubulia PS to record a case.(Dhubulia PS Case no.113/2000) . The case was not investigated properly and is still pending.

Since then the communalist Muslims in the guise of CPI(M) have been raiding our house as a pastime. My sister lodged dozens of complaints with Dhubulia Police station who has shown close affinity with the Muslims at the behest of the CPI(M) rulers. It was a sort of routine that the police insulted her and refused to take any complaint from her.

On 8th September 2002 a group of Muslims after a grand conspiracy trespassed and squatted in our house. The police at Dhubulia PS did not do anything. On 12th September 2002, my sister (Renuka Pal) got an order of removal by the Executive Magistrate, Krishnanagar, Nadia, case no.61/EM/02. Mr Himadri Chakroborty then OC Dhubulia refused to accept the order let alone execute it. Owing to this my sister, sent the copy of the order by registered post but still he did not act properly. Mr Chakroborty half-heartedly removed the trespassers on 17th September 2002 without arresting anyone who trespassed, squatted and threatened my sister in our house to kill her.

On 28th September 2002, at about 7 am the squatters assaulted our neighbour in our house. My sister complained over phone to Dhubulia PS. The police came to investigate the complaint. In the meantime, the squatters spread the rumour that a relative of our neighbour ,who was working as my sister's driver, assaulted the squatters. The police saw that the complaint was false and as a result advise our neighbour to file a written complaint. After this investigation, when the police was returning, the police was attacked by hundreds of Muslims at the cross road at the Masjid. Realising the danger, they wired for additional help. OC Dhubulia/DSP- DEB came with additional force. They were also surrounded by the CPIM/Muslim mob.

The mob demanded that the police should arrest my sister's driver Ekat and hand over to them so that they can lynch him according to their conspired plan and wanted the police to say that "Ekat was lynched by the mob". Ekat's mother understood the plan and advised Ekat to move away. To satisfy the mob, the law was forced to take back seat by the police and they went to our house to look for Ekat.

My sister told the police that Eikat was not in our house but the police to satisfy the Muslim mob entered into our house and searched each room both in the first floor and ground floor without telling my sister about the "crime" and why they searched our house. The police did not find Ekat in our house. This enraged the police. They went away. At around 2 pm DSP-Nadia and other police officer came to our house again and asked my sister to open the door of our building. In the meantime, she phoned me for help as our house was surrounded by hundreds of Muslims. I told her to shut the collapsible gate and advised her not to open the door without speaking with me. My sister did not open the door. DSP threatened that he would break the door. My sister nearly collapsed and needed attention and told the police to do anything they liked. While the police was in our house, the squatters went on building huts in our house by violating the Order of the Executive Magistrate-Nadia. The police deliberately violated the law of the land to help the criminals belonging to CPIM.

The police left without breaking our door but threatened my sister that they would not "help" my sister if the mob attacked her. This irresponsible pronouncement emboldened the squatters.

The Police came back again in the evening to frighten my sister. They did not take any action to remove the squatters who was allowed to violate the law of the land with impunity. The conspiracy of the police and the communalist Muslims was complete. They together have violated the Orders of the Executive Magistrate-Nadia (Case No. 61/EM/02 u/S 144 Cr P C) and the West Bengal Land Reforms and Tenancy Tribunals (Case no.O.A. No.1276/2002 LRTT).

To cover up the violation of the judicial order, the police fabricated a criminal case against Ekat Sheikh and his elder brother Haru Sheikh (s/o late Jasomoddi) though Haru's wife Ainur was beaten up badly by the squatters. The police ignored the severe assault on poor Ainur despite her showing the injury and complaining against the squatters who assaulted her. The police did not enquire from my sister who phoned for the assault of Ainur. If there is any independent investigation, it will be easily seen how the police conspired with the communalist Muslims with a view to satisfy the Muslims by fabricating a case, a culture of the police under Mr Buddhadev Bhattacharya. These Muslims who are vote banks of CPI(M) hate India and Hindus. They show loyalty towards Bangladesh and Pakistan.

With regard to the plight of my sister, the Muslims want us to leave the village by selling our properties in throw away prices as they did to others over the years. They want Masjid Para free of any Hindu. Hence they have been persecuting my septuagenarian disabled elder sister. If a Muslim was being persecuted by a Hindu which is highly unlikely, the whole country would have been up at arms with the Hindus. The gravity of the situation is worse than that with regard to my sister and our family and yet the CPI(M) politician is conspicuously silent. It is clear that if the Muslims are communal, the CPI(M) turns a blind eye. The same CPI(M) portrays a secular Hindu as communal if that Hindu shows the following which I have done in the recent past.

Other issues:

1. I complained to Additional Magistrate-Nadia( General) on 22nd December 1999 about illegal construction of a mosque and walls on the public road without permission at Natun Para of Shondanga, on the way to Mayapur.

2. I complained several times for illegal slaughter of cows. Earlier it was on one place but now it is on half a dozen of places on every Friday by Anchhar and Mojam of Maniktala Para; Chatai Sheikh of West Para; Sahadot of Masjid Para; Bhola Sheikh of Natun Para behind the illegally constructed mosque. This is causing unhygienic environment which the health authorities know but dare not handle lest the Muslims are "hurt".

In addition to unhygienic situation, the Muslims slaughter cows in the public to injure the feelings of Hindus. Cow slaughter affects public order as it incites communal tension. You can enquire from the milkmen of Choughacha, PS Dhubulia. They are Sanjit Ghosh, Sudhan Ghosh and Dalim Ghosh. I have seen from our house how Sahadot slaughter cows in front of young children who learn cruelty from very early age. (I complained to SP-Nadia on 11.1.99 Attn: D K Gangopadhya, DM-Nadia on 28th December 1999 and Chief Secretary, West Bengal on 24th January 2000. I pursued without any results whatsoever).

3. Pregnant cow was stolen from the house of Mr Anil Biswas of Shondanga a day before the Muharam on 24th March 2002. It was slaughtered on the day of Muharam to the merriment of the communalist Muslims. Biswas family complained to Dhubulia Police Station against the persons who "stole" the cow. The police wanted to hush up to avoid "communal tension". A Congress Party Chairman Krishnanagar II, Mr Shyma Prasad Singhroy helped the police to hush up. Biswas family was given Rs 4000/- as compensation from the sale proceeds of the slaughtered cow. In 2001 also a cow was stolen from the same house just before the Muharam.

4. The Muslims from Shondanga went to Ballaldighi and threw beef at the Lakshmi Narayan temple on 13th July 2001. CPIM wanted to hush up but failed. A police case was started by Nabadwip Police Station, Case no.69/2001 of 14th July 2001. Owing to the influence of the CPIM, the conspirators were left out. It is a ploy to hush up the communalism of the Muslims.

5. One Anej Sheikh s/o late Chhomer Sheikh of Natun Para of Shondanga was fined Rs5000/- by the Islamic fundamentalists applying Sharia law. In addition, following a meeting of the Islamic fundamentalists on 13 March 2000, the Secretary of the East Shondanga, Masjid Committee, Mr Abdul Ohab Sheikh, sent letters to all the mosques in the area advising them to boycott this family.

6. Stealing of electricity for commercial purposes by Muslims like Fakir Biswas, Kutari Gaen and other Muslims in association with the police, CPIM and WBSEB officials at Dhubulia.

7. Dual nationality of many Muslims (The Supreme Court of India ordered in case of Bhanwaroo Khan & ors, W.P(C) 737 0f 1995 (judgment on 2nd April 2002 by Mr. Justices Doraiswamy Raju and Ashok Bhan) that "those who voluntarily migrated to Pakistan after Partition and became Pakistani national cannot claim Indian citizenship”.

However the Muslims of Shondnaga has precisely done that at the behest of the corrupt politicians and the corrupt administration. Hindus who are migrating to India to avoid persecution in East Pakistan/ Bangladesh are denied refugee status and citizenships of India but the Muslims who voluntarily accepted Pakistani nationality to live in their "homeland" can return to India and claim Indian citizenship. Since many of these Hindus were born in undivided India, their claim for Indian citizenship cannot be denied when the aliens are allowed to become Indian citizens. I believe this hypocrisy and double standards need to be challenged. Recently Mr Justices S B Sinha and PK Balasubramanium of Supreme Court of India have ruled, "it is unconstitutional to put the onus of proving that someone is aliens solely on the complainant", the State has to help the complainant to prove it if the State do not want to rely on thecomplainant's complaint.

8. Muslims in Shondanga launched a anti-India rally, loudly shouting anti-India tirades and slogans, when our Indian Parliament was attacked by Pakistani Muslim attackers in 2001. They offered prayers for Osama bin Laden. In 2006, they were mourning for Saddam Hussein of Iraq (after he was hanged for genocide after a trial).

9. Senior police officer DSP Papiya Sultana supports cow slaughter. When DSP Sultana was posted as DSP in Krishnanagar in Nadia, she came to investigate my elder sister's complaint of cow slaughter at Shondanga. DSP Sultana told my sister that she cannot stop the illegal cow slaughter without licence in our village.

The characteristics of our village are that if you enter into the village, it will give an appearance of a village in Bangladesh and not in India. It is therefore necessary to expose the culture of this village as in the future it will be a haven for the terrorists like the 2007 incident at N'Para, PS Dhubulia, Nadia.

The above will give you some mixed idea of the plight of Hindus and more so, Hindus like my sister in overwhelming Muslim dominated area.

Secularism in India Denotes Muslim Appeasement Only

Taslima’s Permanent Expulsion From Kolkata Proves It Best 

 

 

It was November 22, 2007 and now, when this report is being written – December 7, 2012 – lots of changes have taken place by now except one – Taslima Nasrin, globally acclaimed woman author, expelled forcefully by Islamists from  Kolkata on November 22, 2007, is yet to return to the metropolis.

And what is most striking each and every political or social force, ever ready to exceed other in asserting itself as truest champion of secularism, is retaining a strange silence in this regard. Even secular NGOs are found to state (these days) how wrong they were to count on "secularists" in Bengal for ensuring a safe return of Taslima to the state.

 

 

To voice its protest against this indecision and apparent betrayal of “secular” forces to placate Islamists (like Left Front ceded to their vitriolic designs on November 22, 2007), a press conference was convened under the aegis of Women Against Oppression (WOA) on November 22, 2012 in Calcutta Press Club at 4 pm, attended by a host of dignitaries including Sunanda Sanyal, Mohit Ray, Giyasuddin, Pallab Kirtania, Sujato Bhadra, Tathagata Ray.

The speakers came out as unanimous in decrying the blatant surrender of alleged secularists to Islamic fundamentalists and zealots who have been leaving no stone unturned to hinder the return of Taslima into Kolkata. In accordance with speakers, Kolkata, the city known for its free and unbiased thoughts and the inherent aptitude to protest, fight against any form of injustices on humans had a sudden death (on November 22, 2007) owing to this surrender conjoined with the intention to retain the same.

With no prospect of Taslima’s return to Kolkata, the press conference ended with vowing to continue struggles for the return of expelled author.        

 

What Hindus have been stating for decades that secularism in India defines appeasement of Muslims only and is completely different to the western notion, is proved once more.  

 

 

 

Lajja is a response of Taslima Nasrin to anti-Hindu riots which erupted all over Bangladesh, soon after the demolition of Babri Structure in India  on 6 December 1992. The book subtly indicates the sharp communal attitude to the Bangladeshi Muslims, the Islamic clergy, and the government. The Hindu minority of Bangladesh was severely persecuted, and secularism was sharply under shadow.